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Etienne Trocmé et Marcel Delafosse, Le Commerce Rochelais de la fin du XVe siècle au début du XVIIe (Paris: A. Colin, 1952), 46. By the end of the sixteenth century the Rochelais merchant fleet included «des barques bretonnes et normandes provenant des prises faits en mer par les corsaires protestants pendant les guerres de religion et achetées par des marchands de la Rochelle (une foule d'exemples dans les Archives Départementales de la Charente Maritime, B5653, pour les années 1587-1597)» ibid., p. 16. (N. from the A.)



Trocmé et Delafosse, pp. 155-63. (N. from the A.)



This religious dimension is not at all apparent in Mateo Alemán, for whom La Rochelle is simply a synonym for piracy and greed. Another striking contrast between Alemán and Cervantes. See Guzmán de Alfarache, ed. S. Gili Gaya (Madrid: Clásicos Castellanos, 1964), IV, 12; and now Guzmán de Alfarache, ed. Benito Brancaforte (Madrid: Cátedra, 1979), II, 180, 188. (N. from the A.)



These provisions of the Edict are summarized in Emile G. Léonard, A History of Potestantism (London: Nelson, 1967), II, 167-71. (N. from the A.)



Origine et progrès de la réformation..., p. 91. (N. from the A.)



Fr. Pedro de Guzmán, Bienes del honesto trabajo (Madrid, 1614), p. 119. Quoted in Américo Castro, Hacia Cervantes,3ª ed. (Madrid: Taurus, 1967), p. 243, n. 2. It is interesting to note, before we leave this subject, that the historical model for the Catalan bandit Roque Guinart who appears in Don Quijote, II was reputed to be a secret agent of the French Protestants at the time of the St. Bartholemew massacre. See Carlos Fuentes, Cervantes o la crítica de la lectura (México: Joaquín Mortiz, 1976), p. 80. (N. from the A.)



See Luis Murillo's edition of our text (Madrid: Castalia, 1978), I, 473, n. 3. (N. from the A.)



F. Márquez, Personajes y temas..., p. 98. (N. from the A.)



Richard L. Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1974), pp. 80-85. Kagan's indispensable study documents the web of relations between the university educated, legally trained letrado class to which Juan Pérez de Viedma belongs and positions of real power and influence, as well as plain wealth, in Spanish society during the period in question. Juan Pérez' career is strikingly similar to several described by Kagan on the basis of documents, of letrados whose university training and resultant connections virtually assured their entry into the higher echelon of the bureaucracy that ran Spain and its overseas empire. It is entirely possible that in creating Juan Pérez Cervantes had in mind the typical product of the famous Colegio Mayor de San Bartolomé at Salamanca, a member of the bartolomico infrastructure that by his time effectively controlled the royal administration. There is a negative dimension to the growth of bureaucracy and consequent proliferation of letrados. Lope de Deza observed in 1618 that the Schools of Law «privan de brazos a la agricultura», removing productive workers from the rolls and transforming them into non-producers of wealth, parasites. Gobierno de agricultura (1618), f. 26v. Cited by Pierre Vilar, «El tiempo del Quijote», in his Crecimiento y desarrollo (Barcelona: Ariel, 1976), p. 345, n. 39. (N. from the A.)



Contrast this powerful but unspoken criticism of venal judges with the pages and pages of diatribe on the same subject offered by Mateo Alemán in Guzmán de Alfarache, II. Alemán's weapon is the bludgeon, Cervantes' the stiletto. An atom bomb versus a laser beam. (N. from the A.)